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In the last ten years Israel has been claiming a higher moral burden in the latest fourth military attack on its refugee population by Israel in its fourth major military attack.
As the Israeli leaders would like, the world should not pay attention to the images of death and destruction, and Hamas should be responsible for them, as it hides among the civilian population.
In fact, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told US President Joe Biden that “Israel is doing everything it can to do no harm to innocent civilians.”
In fact, Israel is sending warning shots to Gaza residents to flee with their lives before their lives are destroyed by bombs. The Palestinians should be grateful.
He also claims that Israel is targeting specific terrorist installations, which is an unintended consequence of anything else. But what Israel calls “collateral damage,” Palestinians call loved ones: women, men, and children who mourn every day.
Netanyahu said Israel is targeting Hamas for targeting Israel’s population centers. But while that may not be forgiven or forgiven, the reality once again tells a different story: there is a marked difference between the death and destruction suffered by Palestinians and Israelis.
Israel and its actors also maintain their right to self-defense, as Israel lost that right by becoming an expanding occupying power.
They say Israel only aims to defend its citizens when it really advocates the occupation and domination of the Palestinians.
Israel insists it will not start wars. That’s a lie in general, considering that he started most of the war in the past. He provoked the war through assassinations, bombings, confinement, homelessness, land grabbing, attacks on holy sites, and constant illegal settlements, and so on.
The military and civilian occupation of the decades is, in itself, a continuous state of war and violence. Israel can stop the madness of the war by ending Palestinian occupation and expropriation.
Israel says it does not seek conflict, it seeks peace. But for much of the quarter-century “peace process,” successive Israeli governments have insisted on maintaining dominance over all of historic Palestine and have spread illegal settlements to do so.
In any case, these well-rehearsed, frequently repeated “discussion points” are nothing new. They have come a long way in justifying Israel’s attacks throughout its history, even overcoming all the twists and turns of the war tragedy.
But for a long time, they reflected a deeper contradiction in the way of thinking of the Israelites. In fact, since its inception, Israel has projected a powerful but not certain, high but poor, bloody but humane, violent but vulnerable, and ultimately the opposite image of being a merciful warrior and an evil peacemaker.
Israel has been a tremendous military and nuclear power, above all its neighbors, and yet it is the only country that is constantly obsessed with survival.
In fact, this type of insecurity is not lacking in strength, but rather lacking in acceptability or adapting as a settler project primarily in an Arab region, which the people completely reject.
Israel’s insecurity was born out of sin – the sin of a state created in the ruin of another people, the catastrophe of Palestinian property, and the eviction of its inhabitants in 1948 as a result of evil violence.
Although the Zionist leaders of the time lied about the causes and management of the war, they were unable to escape the truth that they did. As documented by Israel’s “new historians,” the Palestinians did not voluntarily flee their villages, nor did they heed the calls of the Arabs to evacuate their homes. Israel carried out a well-planned and ethnic cleansing offensive to ensure the Judaism of the new state.
This made many Israelis uncomfortable and conflicted. After all, many of his first Jewish immigrants were victims of horrific atrocities in Europe and elsewhere.
But while many Israelis felt justified, others expressed grief over the horrible things they “had to do,” even though no one forced their hand to occupy Palestine or keep it under control for decades.
In fact, more than a few early Zionists understood the dire consequences of the war and the twentieth century. For much of the first half of the century, they advocated a peaceful coexistence with the Palestinians.
Conflicting thinking was best understood in the old Israeli expression yorim ve bochim, literally “shooting and crying”. It is as old and complex a statement as the statue.
In the 1949 novel Khirbet Khizeh, Yizhar Smilansky, a renowned army officer and author, depicted with moving prose the planned and unprovoked destruction of a Palestinian village and its expulsion of its military units from the border during the 1948 war. .
As an intelligence officer, Smilansky knew full well that he was just one of hundreds of towns and villages destroyed by Israeli forces. But Micah, as the protagonist of his novel, came in with his peers “at the end of the work,” despite his guilty conscience.
The revisionist novel became a film and TV series, and Smilansky became a member of the ruling Knesset of the Mapai party in the 1950s, which continued to deprive Palestinians of their basic human rights.
It was this kind of conflict between the writer Smilansky and the politician Smilansky that shaped the writings of more than a few major Zionist writers, most notably Amos Oz, who influenced the views of millions of people, especially “Jews in the diaspora.”
During the pandemic I took the time to finish two of Oz’s novels, Judas and Scenes From Village Life, which I found interesting in literature but politically hypocritical.
However, it was Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir who took the hypocrisy of “shooting and crying” to a new level of bulls ***.
In one of his famous racist quarrels he said to the Palestinians, “We can forgive you for killing our sons, but we will never forgive you for killing yours.” That’s great excellence.
As a result, it is obscene that the Palestinians now owe it to the Israelis to kill many of their armies in Israel.
Hypocrisy goes beyond fighting war to achieve peace. In 1993, Foreign Minister Shimon Peres and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin boasted of Israel’s generosity and willingness to share a relatively small part of the “Land of Israel” with the Palestinians for the sake of peace. It doesn’t matter, it was the Palestinians who were making a historic commitment, recognizing Israel as one of four-fifths of their homeland.
But now everything is in the past. It really is.
After years of impunity, today’s Israelis, surely most Israeli leaders, don’t shoot and cry. They do not want to share the land or make real peace with the Palestinians. Most have a greater tendency to shoot and laugh.
One of the most disturbing images I’ve ever seen in my life was the 2014 Gaza war. There was no drama or tragedy, it showed only a handful of Israelis on the hills overlooking Gaza, while they were eating and enjoying popcorn. he saw the bombing of the dense and impoverished Israeli population list.
Why let the deaths of Palestinians ruin a huge fireworks display?
In the past, some Israeli leaders may have been upset about everything they did, about the crimes they committed, but they believed the goals justified the means.
Hypocrite? Maybe. But unlike the new generation of fanatical leaders and their followers, they were conflicted and some even regretted it.
In contrast, today Netanyahu’s helpers and partners use words like repentance and peace as props. Worse, they have a complete guidebook prepared after the first Israel-Gaza war in 2009 about how to describe officials as victims of Israeli-Palestinian attacks and as well-meaning victims.
It was only a matter of turning a blind eye to Netanyahu’s warning against the use of violence by Palestinian Israelis when they are victims of organized violence, when fanatical Jewish troops are trying to defend themselves against police brutality and large lynchings.
I wrote in numerous articles about the 2014 Gaza war disguising this haphazard fraud as a conflict. here, here and here, for example.
What struck me most clearly in my research on the war and propaganda of Israel is that Israel has brought nothing new about the art of fraud, except perhaps a lighter submission.
Most of the other previous colonial powers called them terrorists as enemies, accused them of cowardice, and used civilians as human shields, blah blah blah.
What happened to these colonialists and their propaganda?
It can be hard to be optimistic about the short-term outlook for a solution if it is not impossible. But when the dust settles in another sadistic war in Israel, Israelis will once again be stuck with millions of Palestinians who are more determined to regain their freedom.
Like the previous dozen colonial states, mostly white regimes of South African and Algerian settlers, Israelis will sooner or later have to choose: to live in peace or to be humiliated.
The inevitable and delaying the process makes no sense.
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