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Police tactics are being used to prevent the video from being used

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Different tactics are needed to stay safer while recording police activity depending on the situation. Kelley-Chung recommends that those who witness police violence in public space should keep their distance, so that they cannot be accused of being participants. If you pull? Get the passenger to start filming immediately before the officer approaches the window (it can also be very dangerous to put your phone in your pocket, especially for people of color). Wand suggests that if it’s legal in your area, it can be an alternative to a dashed camera.

As mobile phone cameras provide protection, Wandt says it’s important to keep in mind that “when someone pulls out a camera and starts shooting an arrest, it completely changes the nature of the situation for everyone, from the victim to the suspect to the police”.

“There’s the law, there’s the Constitution, and then what do you do in front of the police,” says Sykes, an ACLU lawyer. He says it is “hard” to know how much to throw back against a police officer who is giving an illegal order, especially in certain situations – for example, in a protest.

“There’s a special taste of danger when you’re protesting with the police and when the police are armed and you walk away from your feet,” Sykes says.

Earth experience is the only way to read whether a situation is really safe in a protest. One thing Kelley-Chung has seen is that the presence of a camera filming an officer can protect others from bad behavior.

“When you see people in a verbal conflict with the police, get as close as possible,” he says. “That camera may have more protection than a tactical vest.”

In any case, the warnings were the same with everyone we spoke to: Do ​​not interfere in police operations. Fill it when the police tell you that you need to move, but you should not stop filming from another place, even if they ask you to, as long as an officer is performing his duties in a public space.

Police officers usually advise others to gather identifying information about the police on the spot, and to note the time and location. You can request a badge number; Parriott says most officers carry business cards.

Disinformation mine

Not a single video will change the police action and experts say that even large numbers of videos cannot change the culture of many police departments. In contrast, police have found ways to use the video, especially body camera images, to reinforce and control their narrative in cases of potential violence or misconduct.

People like to think that video is just a neutral tool for capturing information, says Jennifer Grygiel, an assistant professor of communication at Syracuse University, but it’s not like how it’s published and in what context it needs additional analysis.

“When they premiere they set the narrative, which controls initial public sentiment and opinion. They also push on social media and their accounts are like everyone else when they increase the audience. Then they get people to follow it because they are the first to publish information,” says Grygiel. His research focuses on how police departments use social media to prevent the incidents of journalists: he started after police noticed how mugshots were being thrown on local Facebook pages. “People were coming in there, like an old public square, and they were harassing people who had been arrested,” he says.

As police produce their media, find an audience outside of journalism, and take advantage of accountability measures like body cameras, Grygiel says independent documentation of police officers working in public can be the opposite of that messaging. Sometimes, as was the case with Floyd’s murder, this documentation occurs spontaneously, and often with great severity, when clear cases of police violence or misconduct are occurring in real time.

But the ability of police and police-related organizations to spread misinformation was evident in protests in the summer of 2020, when it was repeatedly promoted by police departments inaccurate information. Some of this misinformation went viral, backed by sympathetic media coverage and the right-wing internet, a strong belief that anti-racist protests are just channels for a violent war against the police.

Police unions promoted a disturbing claim that Shake Shack workers had “intentionally poisoned” a group of Manhattan police officers. The story disappeared the next morning: NYPD investigators said the substance, which had a bad taste in the milk of three officers, was not “bleached,” the unions speculated, and was not intentionally added to the drinks. Although the Police Charitable Association and the Detectives ’Endowment Association both deleted tweets that eventually complained, they had tens of thousands of retweets and created incredible coverage in the conservative and mainstream press. They got tens of thousands of posts written by the media about the tweets on Facebook and continued to circulate even after the story was told.

And this was just an example. Last summer, Dermot Shea was NYPD curator re-posted a video police removed brick bins from the South Brooklyn sidewalk, saying it was the work of “organized looters” who provided protesters with material to use for violence. little evidence that this was true. NYPD issued an alert to officials with images of concrete-filled coffee cups that closely resemble concrete samples used in construction sites. In Columbus, Ohio, police said he tweeted a photo of a colorful bus supply of hazardous equipment “riots,” fueling “national antifa buses” that were descending on cities. In fact, the bus belonged to a group of circus performers, who said The equipment, which police referred to as incident supplies, included juggling and kitchen utensils.

In short, the police are still lying even though they look tighter than ever. There are hundreds of videos of police misconduct during the summer protests, some of them with greater responsibility for the bodyguards involved in the reforms. Kelley-Chung believes there is so much difference a video can make.

“At the moment I’ve seen people filming officers with a camera and confronting the police,” he says. “They know they’re on camera … and yet they continue to be abused.”

And even after reaching an agreement with the DC police, it’s a party that can’t think of that day. Kelley-Chung is Black, and her filming partner, Andrew Jasiura, is white. They were both wearing the same T-shirt, wearing the same camera equipment. Officials also saw Jasiura: “They went out to talk to him,” Kelley-Chung says.

Jasiura then told police that his partner was also a journalist. However, they continued to be arrested.



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