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In large white letters, the names of anti-government protesters who have been killed in recent weeks are written on the main street of Cali, Colombia: Nicolás G, Marcelo A, Jovita O, Yeisson A, Cristian M, Daniel A, Jeisson G.
Most were under 25 years old. The youngest, Jeisson García, was 13 years old.
Colombia has experienced many waves violence in the last month. What started out as protests against it tax reform it has become a more radical demand for a review of the country’s economic model. Demonstrators are rioting over police brutality, inequality, corruption, lack of opportunity and many other issues. The hatred against the conservative government of Iván Duque is evident.
Although there have been deaths throughout the country, it is striking how many have occurred in Calin and the surrounding Valle del Cauca region. Of the 58 people killed across the state, 31 were in Calin and another eight in the region. According to Indepaz, a non-governmental organization.
In contrast, the capital Bogota has recorded three deaths and Colombia’s second-largest city, Medellín, is the only one.
The government has recognized 17 deaths nationwide, roughly half of them in Cali, a city of 2.3 million people, during a break in the southwestern part of the country.
“Cali has become the epicenter of the disagreement,” said Sebastián Lanz of Temblores, an NGO that has been monitoring violence. “We have seen members of the security forces armed to the teeth attacking civilians who fulfill their rights to protest.”
The reasons for Kalian being the “capital of the resistance” in Colombia are discussed.
Many residents complain of poverty and inequality, both have risen sharply during the pandemic, but government statistics say these problems are no worse than in other parts of Colombia.
It’s another explanation drug trafficking. The Cali cartel was dismantled in the 1990s, but the city is still riddled with cocaine and violent and armed criminals – more so than Bogota or Medellín.
Cali’s homicide rate is 48 per 100,000 population, much higher than in Bogota (13) or Medellín (14), which has eroded its reputation as the capital of Colombia’s homicide.
There is a lot of confusion about what is going on in the murder. NGOs say security forces are responsible for the majority of deaths. Police said they never shot against peaceful protesters and give weapons to criminals, vandals and only people who shoot them first.
The government has accused them of being “terrorists”, “criminal groups” and left-wing guerrillas. The country says elements of traditional Marxist guerrilla groups – Farc and ELN – have infiltrated the protests.
Diego Arias, a former left-wing guerrilla and now a Cali analyst, says there is probably truth in the proclamation. That’s why Cali’s police deal with such heavy weapons, and they respond in a good way.
“Cali police believe they are entering a war zone, not controlling a protest,” he said. “And when you’re at war you shoot straight at the enemy, not in the air.”
Juan Sebastián Briñez, a 22-year-old police officer, was shot dead last week when he and his colleagues tried to rob people in a supermarket in the poor neighborhood of Cali on Calipso Street. “I’ve never seen anything like this or heard so many shootings,” Officer Marvin Lisalda said as he recovered from his injuries at the hospital.
One of the most disturbing aspects of the violence is the appearance of armed civilians who fired on protesters. In early May, them he attacked a convoy carrying indigenous activists across the city, about 10 people were injured. The identity of the attackers is still unclear, but local residents denounce hired rebels who work for drug traffickers.
Protests have other dimensions, racial and ethnic. Cali has one of the largest black populations in Colombia and some protesters say the city’s police force is a racist organization.
The southwest also has a large indigenous population and voice. On the first day of the protests, the indigenous activists of Cali conquered Sebastían Benalcázar, this part of Colombia in the 16th century. Century Spanish, the statue was torn down.
Social networks are full of misinformation and misinformation. The horrific videos show corpses allegedly washed up in the Cauca River, people allegedly kidnapped during the protests. Demonstrators say hundreds have “disappeared.”
Despite all this, most of the protests are peaceful. Last week thousands gathered in a scene like this in a park that has become a crossroads.
The parents brought small children. Demonstrators waved the Colombian flag. Feminists, indigenous activists, Afro-Colombians, students and traditional leftists came together under a blazing sun to listen to talks and music.
There was a festive atmosphere. The police were clear, and the protesters left peace at the evening.
“An attempt has been made to stigmatize the protest and portray us all as vandals, but there are people of all kinds here,” said María Alejandra Lozada, a 26-year-old nurse who divides her time between protests and treats Covid patients. public hospital.
But at night, shooting and destruction begin. In the poor neighborhoods of Siloé and Calipso on the city limits, gunfire can be heard many evenings. Tuesday night, fires he destroyed the court of justice in the nearby city of Tuluá.
There has been a backlash against violence and vandalism in recent days. On Tuesday, thousands of white-clad people marched silently through the streets of Caliti, reconciling and calling for an end to bloodshed and blockades.
But there is no sign that the demonstrations will end soon.
“We need to move forward and not lose strength,” said Mar Sánchez, one of the organizers of the Cali protests. “We also need to work to ensure that the effervescence created by the protests is reflected in the 2022 election. We cannot hold a demonstration for months and then, when the election comes, vote for the old people again.”
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